Ok so I ended the last post saying I wasn’t going to do this –
But I then got interested in investigating a few possibilities – so here we are.
WHAT A STABLE, MODERN, NON-FRAGMENTED NHS SHOULD LOOK LIKE FOR THE NEXT 30 YEARS
For 75 years, the NHS has never been given the one thing every high-performing health system relies on: structural stability.
Systems like those in France, Denmark, Canada, Sweden and the Netherlands have reformed slowly, predictably, and purposefully.
England has reformed dramatically, repeatedly, and often pointlessly. As the old Roman saying goes, “The only constant is change.” But in the NHS, change has become a substitute for improvement.
If we want the NHS to thrive over the next 30 years, we need to stop reorganising and start designing.
Here is what a stable, modern NHS would look like.
1. A Clear, Simple, Regional Structure — and No More Rewrites
The UK should adopt a governance structure that remains in place for at least a generation — 20 to 30 years.
It should have:
📌 One national service standard
Clear entitlements.
Clear performance expectations.
Clear accountability.
📌 Around 30–35 regional authorities
Not 42 ICSs one year, 100 PCTs five years earlier, 28 SHAs before that, or 300+ GP groups as “commissioners.”
France has 17 regions.
Denmark has 5.
Sweden has 21.
Thirty for England is reasonable and would replace the Cycle of
14 Regional Health Authorities
95 Health Authorities
303 Primary Care Groups
152 Primary Care Trusts
10 Strategic Health Authorities
211 Clinical Commissioning Groups
42 Integrated Care Systems
… and counting
These Regional Care Authorities (RCAs) should:
control hospital budgets
integrate primary, community, mental health and social care
plan specialist services
manage emergency pathways
work with local authorities
publish transparent annual performance reports
be difficult to abolish
be politically insulated from ministerial whims
This mirrors the most successful elements of the French, Danish and Swedish models, where regional planning, not perpetual reorganisation, underpins success.
2. End the Purchaser–Provider Split — Replace It with Planning + Accountability
Competition hasn’t worked because it cannot work under NHS constraints. Markets only function when mobility and choice exist. Healthcare is neither mobile nor choice-rich, and competition is structurally impossible for trauma, cancer, maternity, or emergency care.
Instead, we should:
- abolish internal contracting
- fund RCAs by population need
- fund providers directly through multi-year budgets
- hold them accountable through outcomes and transparency, not internal invoices
📌 Population-based planning
Each RCA receives a budget based on weighted population need.
No market fiction.
No billing flows.
No “internal contracts.”
📌 Direct funding to provider networks
Hospitals, primary care, community and mental health services form provider collaboratives, funded directly by RCAs.
📌 Accountability via transparent metrics
France’s mobility, Sweden’s transparency, Denmark’s political accountability — combined.
Outcomes should drive change, not theoretical market forces. This restores the logic that exists in every high-performing public health system: plan services around population needs, not theoretical market signals.
3. Integrate Primary Care Into the NHS: sort off reverse Bevan’s Compromise.
GPs must remain independent to a degree — that autonomy is valuable, especially in clinical matters.
But the current model cannot support long-term integrated care.
A modern system should:
📌 Bring GP practices into regional NHS networks
GPs would remain contracted professionals — not salaried civil servants — but part of integrated care teams.
📌 Consolidate practices into larger Primary Care Groups (PCGs)
This follows the New Zealand, Dutch and Danish model:
larger practices = more resilience, extended hours, better diagnostics, more prevention and team based care.
📌 End single-handed GP business risk
If a GP practice collapses financially, patients suffer.
This should never depend on the commercial viability, or management style, or possibly asset stripping of a small partnership.
We need a 21st-century model, not a 1948 compromise.
📌 Build shared digital tools and common clinical pathways
A prerequisite for 21st-century care.
4. Invest Properly in Capacity — Hospitals, GPs, Community, Digital
What the NHS Needs After 30 Years of Underinvestment
“Efficiency” alone won’t fix a system starved of capital and workforce.
A realistic 5-year investment programme requires:
| Area | Estimated Investment |
|---|---|
| Hospital capital backlog | £10–12 billion |
| Digital infrastructure upgrade | £5–7 billion |
| Primary care expansion & estate modernisation | £3–4 billion |
| Mental health parity uplift | £2–3 billion |
| Public health & prevention restoration | £2–3 billion |
| Community & social care integration | £2 billion |
Total: £22–27 billion (one-off investment over 5 years)
This is not “Nordic luxury money.”
This is the minimum required to stop multi-generational decline.
Let me repeat that:-
Total required catch-up investment:
🔥 £22–27 billion over 5 years
This is not “Nordic fantasy funding.”
This is the minimum to stop decline and create a stable platform for future reform.
5. Where the Money Really Went — the True Cost of Perpetual Reform
When people hear that the NHS has “wasted £50–70 billion on structural churn,” it is natural to ask:
Where did that money actually go?
Who benefited?
The answer is clear — and well-documented by the NAO, Public Accounts Committee, and academic research:
Most of the money spent on NHS restructuring went to management consultancies, accountancy firms, legal advisers, interim executives, IT contractors, and duplicated administrative bodies — not patient care.
Across the 1990s, 2000s and 2010s, waves of structural reform consumed tens of billions through:
🔹 Management consultancies
McKinsey, KPMG, Deloitte, PwC, Accenture, Boston Consulting Group — hired for:
redesigning commissioning frameworks
transition planning
organisational restructuring
strategic modelling
“turnaround” programmes
🔹 Accountancy & audit firms
Paid to:
create new financial frameworks
close old organisations
audit trust mergers
re-price activity under Payment by Results
validate financial probity during reorganisations
🔹 Legal firms
Handling:
Trust creation and dissolution
mergers and acquisitions
governance documentation
procurement frameworks
contractual inovations
TUPE transfers
🔹 IT and systems contractors
Every restructuring required new:
data systems
billing structures
contract management platforms
organisational reporting tools
Often replacing systems built only a few years earlier.
🔹 Interim managers and turnaround specialists
Paid at £800–£1,600 per day to steady organisations destabilised by the reforms themselves.
🔹 Redundancy and re-employment cycles
The 2012 reforms alone cost £600m in redundancy payments, many of whom were rehired into equivalent roles.
Put simply:
The NHS did not lack money.
The money existed — it was burned by the engine of reform.
And the beneficiaries were not patients or clinicians, but the consultancy and professional-services industries that thrive whenever the NHS is broken apart and stitched back together again.
Had the NHS simply avoided this cycle of dismantling and rebuilding, England could have easily afforded the £22–27 billion needed to modernise its hospitals, digital systems, primary care, and prevention infrastructure.
Twice over. Yep Twice Over
6. Prevention Must Move From Slogan to System Logic
Successful health systems shift spending upstream — preventing illness rather than only treating it.
A stable NHS should:
embed prevention mandates within each Regional Care Authority
fund community nursing and rehabilitation properly
integrate NHS and local authority public health roles
expand early diagnostics
link financial incentives to long-term outcomes, not short-term pressures
The UK spends among the lowest in the OECD on prevention.
This is both costly and irrational.
7. End the Political Pendulum — Electoral Reform as Health Policy
The NHS cannot be structurally stable while the political system rewards instability.
Under First Past the Post:
- each government can rewrite the NHS with 40% of the vote
- reforms reflect ministerial branding, not system need
- every change lasts only until the next government
- no party has incentive to defend a predecessor’s reforms
- churn becomes structural
By contrast, proportional democracies (Denmark, Sweden, Netherlands):
- require consensus to enact major reforms
- produce stable health architecture
- avoid radical oscillations
- allow long-term planning
- embed system ownership across parties
You cannot build a stable NHS on an unstable constitutional foundation.
8. What the Next 30 Years Should Look Like
A modernised NHS doesn’t need reinvention.
It needs consistency.
📌 One long-lasting governance structure
Regional authorities with statutory stability.
📌 Integrated care pathways, not markets
Abolish the purchaser–provider split.
📌 £22–27b capital investment
Paid for twice over by avoiding structural churn.
📌 Primary care modernisation
Stronger groups, digital integration, extended care teams.
📌 Prevention as a system pillar
Not a budget line to be raided.
📌 Cross-party protection
A constitutional guarantee that the NHS cannot be restructured at ministerial whim.
Conclusion
The NHS does not need more dramatic reform.
It needs long-term engineering, not short-term renovation.
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